abstract: Scripture is normative for all areas of human activity, including public policy. The state, although institutionally separate from the church and engaged in different activities, is just as subject to God.

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by William Einwechter

John M. Pafford, On the Solid Rock: Christianity and Public Policy (La Grange, CA: The Center for Cultural Leadership, 2003). Paperback, 140 pages.

John Pafford, professor of history and philosophy at Northwood University in Midland, Michigan, has written a concise and helpful book on the relationship of Christianity to public policy. He combines historical analysis with biblical teaching to give perspective and solutions to the serious problems confronting Americans today. Dr. Pafford not only seeks to inform his readers, but to motivate them to action in the civil sphere as faithful disciples of Christ. It is both a primer on the Christian principles that should inform our public policy, and a call to Christians to engage the rampant secularism of our day with a distinctly biblical political and social agenda.

The author begins his book by stating the perspective from which he writes:

Scripture is normative for all areas of human activity, including public policy. The Bible presents a Christian life view, relating Divine Revelation to all aspects of peoples' lives, including teachings concerning government, economics, and education. Consciousness of the sovereignty of God over all areas of life should be reflected by Christians in their thoughts, words, and deeds. They should strive to be authentically Christian in all that they do, in their professional, social, and political activities as well as in their church lives. In addition, they should work to spread Christian influences within these areas. The ultimate vision is for Christian principles to be foundational throughout society.1

This is an excellent overview of the authority of Scripture in every area of life, and of the duty of the Christian to apply his faith in all his endeavors and spheres of responsibility. The purpose of Dr. Pafford is to apply this perspective to government and society.

The first three chapters discuss the relationship of church and state, democracy, and community. The author argues that, "The state, although institutionally separate from the church and engaged in different activities, is just as subject to God. As such, it is responsible for maintaining order, justice, and freedom based on His commandments."2

In regard to democracy, Pafford deplores it, saying:

Democracy, though, has no firm principles, no abiding standards. It merely proclaims the righteousness and truth of whatever appears to be approved by a majority at a given point of time; it absolutizes majority rule, seeking to equalize people by government action.3

Modern conceptions of democracy derive from the French philosopher Rousseau. Pafford quotes Rousseau to good effect, and thereby shows that the raw essence of democracy is "the belief that the standards and dictates of the majority are supreme, unchecked by any other authority."4 The rebellious autonomy of democracy is summarized well by our author:

The majority, then, is subject to no restraints. The Commandments of God, written constitutions, and hallowed traditions, all would fall and be trampled before the onslaught of the sovereign majority.5

The answer to democracy, according to Dr. Pafford, is a biblically based constitutional republic.

In reference to community, Pafford rejects radical collectivism and radical individualism for a society that is based on the importance of the individual, but also sees the individual as one who is part of the whole. He further notes that a healthy society is one that gains knowledge and wisdom from three primary sources: revelation (the Bible), reason, and tradition.

After these introductory chapters, Pafford traces the history of the United States, in what amounts to be the major portion of the book. He begins with a survey of the "American Colonial Experience." This chapter is a good introduction to the Christian roots of our Republic. He writes:

The British colonies in North America were founded on the premise that a law-giving God exists, that people are truly free only within the framework of an ordered society based on Christian principles, and that furthering the spread of Christianity is a key responsibility of government. A study of colonial documents will make this abundantly clear.6

He then gives an account of the explicitly Christian nature of the Pilgrim and Puritan New England colonies. But he also notes that a decline began to set in as the pioneer generation passed away. There were a number of reasons for this, according to Pafford. First, there was the problem of the people taking their churches and liberties for granted. Second, there was a watering down of Christian convictions due to increasing prosperity. Third, there was a declining spirituality and the establishment of the "half-way covenant" in the churches. The fourth factor was the growth of Enlightenment thought and its religious expression of Deism.

Pafford's chapter on "The New Republic" continues his fine historical survey. This chapter is of particular interest to those of the National Reform Association because, contrary to most Christian treatments of this period, Pafford sees the Declaration of Independence as being more Deistic than Christian in tone, and decries the lack of specific acknowledgment of God or His Son Jesus Christ in the United States Constitution. He recognizes the religious influences and church connections of the Founding Fathers and their respect for the moral teachings of the Bible. But he also notes that they were influenced by Enlightenment thinking, and that their Christianity was, in many cases, only lukewarm; some were Deists and even denied the deity of Christ.

Pafford appreciates that the Constitution exhibits the influence of Christian principles, and that it establishes a worthy form of government that restrains the power of civil government and maximizes individual liberty. Nevertheless, he concludes in words that will warm the heart of any National Reform Association supporter:

Still, though, in spite of the respect and admiration which these men deserve for producing such an outstanding political document, there remains the glaring absence of a recognition of God as the Author of Liberty and of Christ as Savior and Lord.

The Preamble to the Constitution reflects Enlightenment rather than Christian origins.... The origin of authority here stated is the people; popular sovereignty, not divine sovereignty is acknowledged as the source of our Constitution.7

His chapter on the founding of the new republic is followed by one on "The First Amendment." This gives an overview of the original intent of the First Amendment, and shows that its meaning is not what the liberal courts and ACLU have made it out to be--that it mandated "a wall of separation between religion and government."8 This is an informative chapter that traces the various court cases that have had a major impact on how the First Amendment is understood and applied today. The confused state of First Amendment law in our pluralistic society leads Pafford to warn that, "If this country is not to slip progressively further and further away from God, there must be clarification as to the spiritual foundation on which our public policy rests."9

Two brief chapters on "The Bible and Economics" and "The Use of Armed Forces" follow. Here Pafford defends a free market economy from the Bible and rejects socialism. He also advocates the use of armed forces to defend freedom and peace against the pacifist position that says that force should not be used by Christians under any circumstances. Pafford cautions, however, "that the sword is only to be drawn in defense of good based on God's commandments."10

But what Pafford means by this is somewhat unclear. He writes that America has a responsibility to use its resources, including the military, to assist other countries that are "threatened by enemies that seek to subjugate them."11 He then states: "If the United States were to turn from the countries which look to us for leadership and assistance in the worldwide struggle for order, justice, and freedom, we would have failed in our responsibilities as stewards of all that God has entrusted to us."12 Does Pafford mean by this that we should follow the doctrine of the Neoconservatives and use our military might to export democracy to the world? Would he support the current nation-building experiment in Iraq where the United States is seeking to impose, by force of arms, an American style "democracy" on that Islamic country? Or does he mean to imply that we have a duty to use our military power in the world, with great discretion, to help others engaged in wars of defense against evil aggression?13 With the invasion and occupation of Iraq, questions like these are no longer moot for the American people, and one could wish that Pafford spoke in clearer terms when addressing the use of military force.

Pafford concludes his book with two chapters that sketch the goal of Christian social and political activity, and with some strategies on how to get there. The goal is stated by his chapter heading: "A Christian United States." As expressed earlier, our author rejects an institutional union of church and state. So he is not calling for an established church in America, but for a nation that shares common beliefs, values, and ethical norms that create a national culture that is decidedly Christian. A nation that is Christian in this sense will espouse public policies and establish civil laws that honor Christ and are based on the Bible.

Pafford identifies multiculturalism as a serious threat to our nation. This nation will not long endure if there is nothing to transcend our ethnic differences. The social glue that once held America together through all the rigors of founding and developing a great nation was a shared acceptance of the basic truths and morals of Christianity. Pafford believes that we must return to our Christian foundations--but this time we must work to make those foundations explicit. Therefore, one goal must be to amend the U.S. Constitution to recognize God and the authority of Jesus Christ and the Bible. To indicate the type of amendments needed, Pafford quotes two that have been advocated by the National Reform Association in the past. One that he quotes is as follows:

We the people of the United States, humbly acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all authority and power in civil government, the Lord Jesus Christ as the Governor among the nations, and His revealed will as the supreme authority, in order to constitute a Christian government do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States.14

Pafford proposes that we should be an officially Christian nation and suggests a trinitarian test for public office. He then explains:

This action would not guarantee that Christian beliefs and standards would prevail with all individuals. It would reflect, though, that the majority of the voters in the United States are committed Christians, it would place this country in a proper relationship with God, and it would provide a solid base for sound public policy.15

Pafford also recognizes that the present situation in the United States is not at all inclined to establish an explicitly Christian civil government.

This chapter also sets forth some of the traits that would mark a Christian United States: justice; no discrimination based on ethnicity; individual religious freedom; limited government and taxation; elimination of state-run welfare and education programs; a foreign policy that would avoid entanglement with non-Christian nations.

This bold advocacy of a Christian nation leads to the final chapter of the book, appropriately titled: "In the Meantime." This section gives a spirited call to Christians:

With the United States at present not a Christian country, what should be the course of action for Christians? It is their responsibility to represent their Lord in this world, focusing the light of the Bible on the affairs of this world, bringing higher standards of order, justice, and freedom than otherwise would exist. All citizens of this country have the opportunity, indeed the duty, to be part of the discourse and decision-making process. Christians are not exempted or disqualified; in fact it can be argued that their responsibility is even greater because of the expectation that their having been saved by grace through faith will be manifested in good works.16

Pafford proceeds to identify some of the reasons that Christians have failed to serve Christ in the civil sphere: Christians should only be involved in evangelism; politics is dirty business; Christ is coming soon; conservative Christians do not look to the government to solve all their problems and so have less interest in government than liberals who do look to the government to cure all. Pafford shows that none of these reasons (excuses?) hold water.

He provides a brief discussion of some social and political issues that must be addressed (e.g., abortion and homosexuality), and some political strategies that should be implemented.

Dr. Pafford concludes with this challenge to believers in Jesus Christ:

Our country must return to the foundation upon which it was established in colonial times and move boldly and confidently into the future. The principle that God is the author of liberty, the source of power, and the ultimate ruler, must be reapplied to public life. We must recall to our public and private lives faith, truth, honor, responsibility, and courage--qualities which have been sorely battered, but not destroyed by the onslaught of secularism, relativism, and materialism.

We must remember that freedom is not an end in itself, but is rather a means. For Christians, freedom is a means for the development of virtue in the individual and in society. Freedom is not an absolute; the individual is only free within the framework of an established moral order. Government exists to maintain this order and to protect this freedom.

We must stand fast on the Christian principles which form the foundation of Western Civilization. Over the past two centuries there has been tremendous, exciting scientific and technological change and progress. Spiritual and moral verities, however, are immutable; the Word of God is steadfast, true yesterday, true today, true tomorrow. Before us is the exciting, challenging opportunity to make the United States a shining example of righteousness, order, justice, and freedom. "Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord."17

Overall, this reviewer recommends this book as a tool to enlighten, inspire, and challenge Christians to glorify Jesus Christ in the political sphere.

William Einwechter (Th.M.) is vice president of the National Reform Association and the editor of The Christian Statesman and of the book Explicitly Christian Politics. He is also the author of the monograph A Conquering Faith: Doctrinal Foundations for Christian Reformation. He serves as a teaching elder at Immanuel Free Reformed Church in Ephrata, Pennsylvania.

Endnotes

1. John M. Pafford, On the Solid Rock: Christianity and Public Policy (La Grange, CA: The Center for Cultural Leadership, 2003), p. 2.

2. Ibid., p. 11.

3. Ibid., p. 12.

4. Ibid., p. 13.

5. Ibid., p. 14.

6. Ibid., p. 21.

7. Ibid., p. 65-66.

8. Ibid., p. 78.

9. Ibid., p. 87.

10. Ibid., p. 104.

11. Ibid., p. 103.

12. Ibid., p. 104.

13. For a discussion of when it is justified for a nation to go to war see, William O. Einwechter, A Christian Perspective on Just War, The Christian Statesman, vol. 146, no. 4 (July-August 2003), pp. 10-21.

14. Op cit., p. 113.

15. Ibid., p. 114.

16. Ibid., pp. 119-120.

17. Ibid. , pp. 128-129.

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